Awakening the Europhile Giant: EU Issue Voting in Western and Central‐Eastern Europe
Published date | 01 January 2024 |
Author | Luca Carrieri |
Date | 01 January 2024 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13493 |
Awakening the Europhile Giant: EU Issue Voting in Western
and Central-Eastern Europe
LUCA CARRIERI
Unitelma Sapienza University of Rome, Rome
Abstract
Many works have analysed EU issue voting, showing that European integration affects electoral
preferences. This article posits that EU issues have increasingly influenced party preferences,
boosting their effects and, in particular, on Europhile parties. Several punctuation points –author-
ity transfer towards the EU, party politicisation efforts and a multiple set of crises –have occurred,
with EU issues cumulating effects on voting preferences. Europhile parties may have strategically
responded on this issue dimension, seizing on more favourable public orientations and, thus,
prompting an electoral mobilisation of their constituents. By exploring the EU issue voting
patterns in 25 Western and Central-Eastern European countries between 2014 and 2019, the article
presents two core findings, corroborating its expectations. It demonstrates that EU issues have in-
creasingly affected electoral preferences, as well as enhancing their effects amongst the Europhile
party voters.
Keywords: Euroscepticism; Europhilia; EU issue voting; EU politicisation; party competition
Introduction
Over the last decade, citizens have observed a steady increase in the authority transfer
towards the European institutions, with the widening of EU prerogatives producing a con-
flict in domestic politics over the scope of the integration (Hooghe and Marks 2009,
2018). Meanwhile, political parties have become more likely to emphasise and polarise
EU issues in their public agendas, turning Europe into a more politicised conflict in
national party systems (De Vries and Hobolt 2020; Hutter and Kriesi 2019). Furthermore,
several crises –the Euro crisis, migration crisis and the Brexit referendum –have brought
EU-related issues to the public’s attention, probably spurring electoral reactions amongst
the voters (Hobolt and Tilley 2016).
Therefore, aspects of public opinion have also been largely investigated, especially
concerning to what extent EU-individual attitudes have been translated into voting
preferences. Findings suggest that party positions on Europe matter for voters in both
national and EP elections (De Vries et al. 2011; Jurado and Navarrete 2021; Torcal and
Rodon 2021). Although evidence can be found on the impact of EU issues on voting
preferences, some questions still, however, remain partially unanswered.
Firstly: Has the EU voter-party distance increasingly explained the electoral
preferences of parties?
This work aims at analysing the impact of the EU distance on voting preferences,
positing its growing magnitude between 2014 and 2019. This period was very eventful,
mirroring the increasing party politicisation endeavours, along with a multiple set of
crises, which have made the authority transfer towards the EU more controversial
JCMS 2024 Volume 62. Number 1. pp. 262–284DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13493
© 2023 University Association for Contemporary European Studies and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
amongst citizens (Braun and Grande 2021; Hutter and Kriesi 2019). These processes may
have constituted ‘punctuation points’for EU integration, with EU issues cumulating their
effects on voting preferences. This article does not analyse any deep-seated issue evolu-
tion but accounts, instead, for potential electoral changes on the EU integration dimension
during a short-term period.
Secondly: Has the EU distance increasingly explained the electoral preferences of
Europhile party voters?
This second question seeks to identify the moderating power of the Eurosceptic/
Europhile party positions on EU issue voting. In particular, it is predicted here that a more
Europhile voting pattern came into being between 2014 and 2019. In 2014,
Euroscepticism had probably been more electorally profitable, with voters rewarding rad-
ical left and radical right parties on this dimension (De Vries and Hobolt 2016). However,
in the following years, the Europhile parties may have strategically responded to the
Eurosceptics, increasingly conveying positive messages on European integration to voters
(Braun and Grande 2021; Carrieri 2020). Furthermore, the outcome of the Brexit referen-
dum may have raised popular concerns over the spill over effects of this disintegration
process, opening up a window of attention for Europhile attitudes (Delis et al. 2020). Fi-
nally, the growing levels of electoral turnout in the 2019 elections may have explained the
increasing preferences for EU issues of Europhile party voters.
The case selection includes 25 Western European (WE) and Central-Eastern European
(CEE) countries (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia,
Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands,
Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and the United
Kingdom).
1
The empirical test will show that the EU distance variable has gradually
boosted its effects, with Europhile party voters increasing their electoral preferences on
the EU integration dimension, thus corroborating our expectations.
The article is organised into three sections: The first reviews the literature, advancing
the hypotheses; the second describes the data, methodology and the variable
operationalisation; and the third presents the voting models, discussing the results.
Finally, the last part draws the conclusions.
I.Theory and Hypotheses
Catherine De Vries (2010) developed the notion of EU issue voting, defining it as ‘the
process whereby individual preferences over European integration directly influence the
voting choices in national elections’(De Vries 2010, p. 92). Literature on voting behav-
iour has largely dealt with the impact of EU issues on individual choices, relying on
the proximity or minimum distance theory (Downs 1957), which postulates that voters
choose parties that are closer to their own position within the political space. This
approach has proven its flexibility, allowing for estimating voter-party distance along
an alternative EU integration dimension (De Sio et al. 2016; De Vries and Hobolt 2016).
In the last two decades, many works have consistently shown the impact of Europe on
1
Cyprus, Luxembourg and Malta were excluded from the analysis, as these countries present a small population and a low
number of party and individual-level observations in the CHES and EES surveys, respectively.
Awakening the Europhile Giant: EU Issue Voting in Western and Central-Eastern Europe263
© 2023 University Association for Contemporary European Studies and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
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