Conclusion

• Author: McNally, Sandra
• Pages: 33-34

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address the perceptions of ability by inculcating a ‘growth mindset’ in pedagogical

practice throughout schooli ng. In maths, thi s is the extent to which individuals believe

that their maths abilities can be improved over time with effort, as opposed to being

unchangeable. It has been shown to be particularly efficacious for girls (Boal ar, 2013).

Secondly, girls do respond well to female role models and this appears to be

especially the case for girls of higher ability. While it may not be practical (or desirable)

to change educational systems to be segregated along gender-specific lines, it would be

very interesting to stu dy whether setting of high-ability students along the lines of

gender in particular subjects might influence performance and future course-taking.21

Given the strong effects of rol e models across most of the literature, it woul d seem to

be i mportant to address this both i n schools and in tertiary education. This i s also a

conclusion of Zafar (2013) who finds that most of the difference in STEM at the tertiary

level is driven by gender differences in tastes and preferences. He concludes “a possible

policy implication…is to encourage policies that increase the representation of females

in academic science and engineering, since these female professors may change female

students’ beliefs and preferences toward STEM coursework and careers”. Cheryan et al.

(2015) emphasise the importance of di versifying the i mage of computer science and

engineering. They argue that girls are currently exposed to an unrealistic image of these

fields that depicts all computer science and engineering cultures as fitting a narrow

profile. They argue that as mor e women and girls are welcomed into these fields, the

process of culture change will likely build on itself.

There are numerous in terventions to encourage more girls and women to enter

and stay in STEM fields. As argued by Cheryan et al. (2017) and also the Skills

Commission in the UK (2019), much more needs to be done to evaluate programmes in

a scientific manner and to collate and diss eminate results. Cheryan et al. (2017) and

Cheryan et al. (2015) report very heartening case studies of a number of university

departments in the US that made changes to their computer science departments with

very impressive subsequent increases in the percentage of female computer science

graduates within a decade (i.e. Harvey Mudd, Carnegie Mellon and University of

Washington).22 As described succinctly by Cheryan et al. (2015), in addition to structural

changes (e.g. recruitment procedures), these programmes changed stereotypes of

computer science by u sing diverse role mod els, exposing students to a wide range of

applications for computer science and revamping their introductory course so that it was

no longer seen as a field for ‘geeky know-it-alls’. These examples show that it is possible

to put a combination of policies in place an d have big effects on enrolment. Thus, the

gender gap in STEM in tertiary education may be prominent in many different countries,

and often for similar reasons. But it is not inevitable. Culture can change.

10. Conclusion

The S TEM g ender gap in tertiary education results from factors that influence

educational preparedness as well as facto rs that influence tho se who are ‘STEM ready’

at the point of making choices within tertiary education. These factors are often similar,

such as lack of confidence among females (particularly with regard to maths ability) and

lack of ‘female f riendliness’ of educational environments even within upper secondary

education (see Table 1). The comm on stereotyping of male and female abili ties as well

as the stereotyping of particular fields of study seem to have a lot to do wi th this.

21 ‘Setting’ along the lines of ability is common within secondary schools in the UK. This is where students of

different abilities are taught in separate classes for particular subjects (e.g. maths) but not for others.

22 The percentage of female computer science graduates increased from under 10 per cent to 40 per cent at

Harvey Mudd and Carnegie Mellon; and from 15 per cent to 30 per cent at the University of Washington).