The Banking Union and evidence on bail‐ins and bailouts
| Published date | 01 September 2022 |
| Author | Ricardo Cabral |
| Date | 01 September 2022 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/eufm.12354 |
DOI: 10.1111/eufm.12354
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
The Banking Union and evidence on bail‐ins
and bailouts
Ricardo Cabral
Department of Economics, Lisbon School
of Economics and Management,
University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal
Correspondence
Ricardo Cabral, Department of
Economics, Lisbon School of Economics
and Management, University of Lisbon,
Rua do Quelhas no. 6, 1200‐781 Lisbon,
Portugal.
Email: rcabral@iseg.ulisboa.pt
Abstract
This article analyzes the euro area's banking sector
regulatory framework, known as the Banking Union. It
shows how distressed banks' noncompliance with su-
pervisory, state aid, or central bank lending policies
can trigger the application of resolution or liquidation
measures. Further, it provides new evidence on large
banks distress episodes in the European Union and the
United States, suggesting that recapitalization is a more
cost‐effective policy instrument than resolution or li-
quidation. Finally, it argues that the Banking Union
lacks an appropriate recapitalization instrument for
borderline distressed banks and that a more nuanced
and structured stance on regulatory forbearance is
probably warranted.
KEYWORDS
Banking Union, financial stability, liquidation, regulatory
forbearance, resolution
JEL CLASSIFICATION
E58, G00, G21, G28
Eur Financ Manag. 2022;28:1079–1103. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/eufm © 2022 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
|
1079
EUROPEAN
FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT
I thank an anonymous referee, John A. Doukas (the Editor), António Sampaio e Mello and Alicia Brewer (the Copy
Editor) for valuable comments that substantially improved the paper. The usual disclaimer applies. I acknowledge
financial support from the Foundation for Science and Technology, Portugal, project number UIDB/00685/2020, from
Project Ulysses, University of Madeira and from the Department of Economics, Lisbon School of Economics and
Management, University of Lisbon.
1|INTRODUCTION
Between 2012 and 2016, European Union (EU) policymakers designed and implemented a new
banking sector regulatory framework known as the Banking Union,
1
as well as a new banking
sector state aid framework (introduced through the 2013 Banking Communication of the
European Commission). To a large extent, the Banking Union—like the US Orderly Liquida-
tion Authority instrument and other provisions of the Dodd–Frank Act of 2010—adopts aca-
demic literature proposals that seek to minimize market discipline distortions caused by the
banking sector public safety net and to reduce the costs of banking crises (e.g., Admati
et al., 2013,2018; Admati, 2014; Alessandri & Haldane, 2011; Benston & Kaufman, 1988,1998;
Calomiris, 1999; Cochrane, 2014; James, 1991). The Banking Union thus aims to reduce bank
leverage, regulatory forbearance and moral hazard. It does so through more demanding leg-
islation and regulation, by transferring bank supervisory powers to a central authority (the
European Central Bank or ECB), through higher capital requirements and by modifying the
main distressed banking policy instrument from 2014 onward, replacing the bailout measure
through resolution and liquidation measures, while restricting bank bailouts.
The Banking Union foresees multiple triggers for the application of resolution or liquidation
measures, which can come into force well before bank capital is significantly depleted or even if
banks fully comply with capital requirements. Finally, the resolution instrument requires
substantial restructuring of bank liabilities through the bail‐in of shareholder equity, sub-
ordinated debt and senior debt, including a significant portion of bank deposits
(Hadjiemmanuil, 2016). Therefore, the Banking Union constitutes an important application of
the literature on bank capital requirements, regulatory forbearance and moral hazard (Admati
et al., 2013; Benston & Kaufman, 1988).
This article argues that the results are mixed. The Banking Union has resulted in higher
capital ratios, a marked reduction in nonperforming loan (NPL) levels and distressed banks'
deleveraging. Further, the new framework has clearly reduced regulatory forbearance as en-
visaged (Benston & Kaufman, 1988,1998). However, contrary to the expectations of lower costs,
the new framework has also resulted in very high costs to taxpayers, with combined fiscal
expenditures of tens of billions of euros. It has also had large redistributive effects, as private
sector bank shareholders and creditors were expropriated of financial assets, cumulatively also
in the tens of billions of euros.
In at least some instances, these costs have been higher than in previous banking sector
crises. For example, in the case of Portugal, between 2013 and 2020, injections of taxpayer
funds into banks, foremost in the context of resolution measures, amounted to 7.8% of the 2019
gross domestic product (GDP).
2
In the same period, the losses incurred by shareholders and
creditors of the two banks that were subject to resolution measures (Banco Espírito Santo, or
BES and Banco Internacional do Funchal, or Banif) are estimated at 8.0% of the 2019 GDP. This
banking crisis appears to have been the most severe in Portugal since the end of the 19th
century.
3
1
The Banking Union is defined here as including the ‘single rulebook’of European directives and regulations and
new European institutions charged with implementing bank supervision and resolution rules. The Banking Union
is mandatory for euro area member states.
2
Figures from Banco de Portugal (2019) and author calculations.
3
The previous serious banking crisis occurred in 1929–1931 and saw two banks fail that, however, were not among the
five largest (Silva & Amaral, 2011; Valério et al., 2007).
1080
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EUROPEAN
FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT
CABRAL
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