The Impact of Global Economic Crisis and Austerity on Quality of Working Life and Work‐Life Balance: A Capabilities Perspective

Date01 December 2019
AuthorT. Alexandra Beauregard,Rea Prouska,Uracha Chatrakul Na Ayudhya
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/emre.12128
Published date01 December 2019
The Impact of Global Economic Crisis and
Austerity on Quality of Working Life and
Work-Life Balance: A Capabilities Perspective
URACHA CHATRAKUL NAAYUDHYA,
1
REA PROUSKA
2
and T. ALEXANDRA BEAUREGARD
1
1
Middlesex University Business School, London, UK
2
London South Bank University, London, UK
This paper draws on the capabilities approach as a framework for examining the impact of the global economic
crisis and austerity on quality of workinglife and work-life balance. Our paper focuses on Greece, an extreme case
of a country in economiccrisis, characterizedby a weak institutional basis. We build on thework of Barbara Hobson
and colleagues who first applied the capabilities approach to explore work-life balance capabilities. Our study
contributes to the development of theory by emphasizing the sense of entitlement concept within the capabilities
approachand by proposing a modifiedconceptual framework that encapsulates the link betweencapabilities, agency,
and the sense of entitlement, where the latter acts as a cognitive filterthat enhances or weakens an individuals
perception of her/his agency to enact on her/hiscapabilities. Drawing on the accounts of twentyGreek professional
and managerialworkers, we illustratehow the crisis and austeritymeasures have erodedworking conditions andthus
the sense of entitlement, leading to the weakening of our participantsagency and capabilities to achieve quality of
working life and work-life balance.
Keywords: qualityof working life; work-lifebalance; capabilities approach; agency; senseof entitlement; economic
crisis; austerity; Greece
Introduction
The severity of the impact of the recent economic
crisis has varied considerably between European
nations. For example, Germany, Belgium and Austria
experienced minimal labour market turbulence
(OReilly et al., 2011; Eurofound, 2013a), while the
UK did not experience as high a growth in
unemployment as was projected (Lallement, 2011). In
contrast, the European periphery (Greece, Ireland and
Spain) was hit by an employment decline of more
than 10% (Hurley and Storrie, 2011). In addition,
national responses to the crisis also varied (Bach and
Bordogna, 2013). For example, Greece, Ireland, Italy,
Portugal and Spain implemented the largest austerity
cuts, but France which experienced high financial
vulnerability in 2012 vigorously resisted austerity
measures. The UK, on the other hand, committed to
strict austerity measures yet escaped the financial
vulnerability of the more peripheral European nations.
This can be at least partially explained by the fact that
nations with stronger institutional bases in terms of
employment policies, employment protection, industrial
relations and social protection (e.g., France and
Germany) implemented labour market policies that
compensated employees working fewer hours during
the crisis (Gennard, 2009). This is in contrast to
peripheral nations with weaker institutional bases
(e.g., Greece, Cyprus, Hungary, Czech Republic and
Slovakia), where the economic crisis had a significant,
negative impact on employment and pay conditions
(Eurofound, 2013b).
In terms of the employment experience, the economic
crisis has been studied for its impact on job insecurity
and work pressure (Mellahi and Wilkinson, 2008; Datta
et al., 2010; Chung and Van Oorschot, 2011; Russell
and McGinnity, 2014; Prouska and Psychogios, 2016).
Many organisations responded to the crisis by cutting
labour costs, either by reducing recruitment,
Correspondence: T. Alexandra Beauregard, Middlesex University
Business School, The Burroughs, London NW4 4BT, UK. E-mail:
a.beauregard@mdx.ac.uk
DOI: 10.1111/emre.12128
©2017 The Authors European Management Review published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of European
Academy of Management (EURAM)
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use,
distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
European Management Review, Vol. 16, 847, (2019)
2
86
implementing pay cuts, restructuring, downsizing, or
instituting layoffs (Iverson and Zatzick, 2011; Naude
et al., 2012). Such strategies often have a negative
impact on survivors: increased working hours, work
intensification, job insecurity, and stress, and decreased
pay, benefits, training and development opportunities,
motivation, productivity, and loyalty (Allen et al.,
2001; Spreitzer and Mishra, 2002; Kalimo et al.,
2003; Gandolfi, 2008; McDonnell and Burgess, 2013).
Research has also identified the negative impact of the
economic crisis on employee physical and mental health
(Kim, 2003; Bakker and Demerouti, 2007; Maslach and
Leiter, 2008; Bible, 2012; Kondilis et al., 2013), when
intense working schedules become the new standard
(McCann et al., 2008).
All of this has implications for workersquality of life
and how they experience the work-lifeinterface as a result
of the economic crisis. Conflict between work and non-
work activities has established itself as a predictor of
reduced work effort and performance, increased
absenteeism and turnover, lower levels of job satisfaction
and organisational commitment, and increased stress and
burnout (for a review, see Beauregard and Henry, 2009).
Difficulty in combining paid work with non-work
commitments can therefore yield harmful repercussions
for individuals, employers, and society with respect to
productivity and health costs. Studying the work-life
interface within the recent context of the economiccrisis,
which has affected the trajectory of work-family
reconciliationin terms of the direction and pace of change
in welfare regimes and institutional settings (Gregory,
Milner and Windebank, 2013), is therefore of significant
value. The effects of the economic crisis on work-life
outcomes are dependent on context (Goergen et al.,
2013), with some observable differencesbetween nations.
Shahidi (2015) found that where fiscal consequences of
the crisis were acute, the welfare state was undermined
and conditions were created for the recommodification
of labour market policies. This has led to considerable
disparity in how governments have responded to the
crisis, particularly in terms of policies relating to the
work-life interface.
Most European literature on the work-life interface has
concentrated thus far on institutionally strong countries,
such as the UK, France, Germany and the Netherlands
(e.g., Gregory and Milner, 2008; Lewis et al., 2008,
2016; Annesley and Scheele, 2011; Harkness and Evans,
2011; Fagan and Norman, 2012; Hofacker and Konig
2013). Fewer studies have focused on the European
periphery (e.g., Giannikis and Mihail, 2011; Glaveli,
Karassavidou and Zafiropoulos, 2013), while the impact
of the economic crisis on the work-life interface in this
region is equivalently under-researched (e.g., Grau-Grau,
2013; Pasamar andRamón, 2013; Riva, 2013). Our paper
addresses this gap by drawing on data from Greece, an
extreme case of a country in economic crisis, which is
characterized by a weak institutional base and turbulent
economic conditions.
The aim of this paper, therefore, is to explore the
experiences among a group of workers in Greece through
the capabilities approach as a framework for examining
the impact of the economic crisis and austerity on quality
of working life and work-life balance. Our study
contributes to the development of theory by emphasising
the sense of entitlement concept within the capabilities
approach and by proposing a modified conceptual
framework thatencapsulates the link between capabilities,
agency, and the sense of entitlement, where the latter acts
as a cognitive filterthat enhances or weakens an
individuals perception of her/his agency to enact her/his
capabilities.
We now divide the paper into three sections. First, we
introduce the capabilities approach as a framework for
analysing well-being, quality of life and work-life
balance. We then focus on the importance of the sense
of entitlement within the capabilities approach as a key
concept for contextualising workersperceptions of their
capabilities. In the second section, we outline the context
of the economic crisis and the impact on quality of
working life and the work-life interface in Greece and
set out the details of ourstudy within this context. Finally,
we discuss our findings on capabilities to achieve quality
of working life and work-life balance.
The capabilities approach as a framework
for achieving quality of life and work-life
balance
The capabilities approach is a framework of thought
rather than a specified theory, which provides an
evaluative space to assess well-being and quality of life
of individuals (Hobson, 2011). It is based on the work of
Amartya Sen, whose original focus is on the promotion
of human development through agency and an
individuals freedom to choose a life that s/he wants
(Hobson et al., 2011; Miles, 2013; Nambiar, 2013). It
provides a framework for considering the real freedom
for individuals to pursue goals that they regard as
important and has reason to value in relation to their
quality of life. The framework places an emphasis on
understandingwhat is genuinely possiblefor an individual
to pursue withincontext, rather than what maybe possible
in principle in the abstract concept of individual free
choice (Fagan and Walthery, 2011).
There are several core concepts in the capabilities
approach. The first is functionings, which is about what
an individual is and does in order to achieve well-being
and quality of life in the way that s/he regards as
important. In other words, functionings are life outcomes
U.C Na Ayudhya et al.
©2017 The Authors European Management Review published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of European
Academy of Management (EURAM)
848

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