The Revolving Door and Access to the European Commission: Does the Logic of Influence Prevail?
Published date | 01 January 2024 |
Author | Sharon S. Belli,Jan Beyers |
Date | 01 January 2024 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13486 |
The Revolving Door and Access to the European Commission:
Does the Logic of Influence Prevail?
SHARON S. BELLI and JAN BEYERS
Department of Political Science, University of Antwerp, Antwerp
Abstract
This article analyses to what extent and under which conditions revolving door practices relate to
access to the European Commission (EC). The revolving door hypothesis is analysed by combin-
ing two data sources: a dataset with publicly available records about the meetings between interest
organizations and senior EC officials and evidence collected through the Comparative Interest
Group-survey (CIG-survey).It is especially in professionalized organizations, where staff and
organizational leadership dominate, that we observe a significant positive relationship between
revolving door practices and access. In contrast, the extent to which the membership decides on
political positioning and advocacy strategies has no impact on the relationship between revolving
door and access. These results show that the revolving door is primarily connected with a logic of
influence, implying that revolvers are especially advantageous for professionalized organizations.
Keywords: access; European Commission; interest groups; lobbying; revolving door
Introduction
Access is generally considered one of the most crucial currencies in interest group poli-
tics. From an interest group perspective, obtaining access to the decision-making process
is often seen as a precondition of political influence (Binderkrantz et al., 2017;
Bouwen, 2002; Eising, 2007). From a policy-maker’s perspective, organized interests
provide helpful information in exchange for access to the decision-making process.
Hence, interest representation depends crucially on the ability and the opportunity to ac-
cess policy-makers. These capabilities, and the propensity to gain access, are not only rel-
evant at the micro-level, but they also affect the general structure of systems of interest
representation. The overall access pattern produces a bifurcation between insiders and
outsiders, whereby political institutions and government agencies recognize insiders as
relevant players (Halpin and Fraussen, 2017; Maloney et al., 1994).
This article aims to shed light on how the revolving door, the hiring of former public
officials by organized interests (LaPira and Thomas, 2017), shapes the ‘insiderness’
(Fraussen et al., 2015; Maloney et al., 1994), measured as the extent to which groups ob-
tain access. Most scholarship on therevolving door presumes that hiring staff from the
public sector impacts access positively. Various explanations have been put forward.
One explanation emphasizes the value of relational capital and argues that organized in-
terests that hire from the public sector enjoy more access as their staff can exploit previous
political connections and ties with policy-makers (Bertrand et al., 2014; Blanes i Vidal
et al., 2012; McCrain, 2019). This perspective views the revolving door as an instrument
through which wealthy interests gain access. Another explanatory perspective emphasizes
the value of human capital (Coen and Vannoni, 2016; LaPira and Thomas, 2017;
JCMS 2024 Volume 62. Number 1. pp. 186–204DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13486
© 2023 University Association for Contemporary European Studies and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Shepherd and Young You, 2019). Whereas the relational perspective has a strong quid pro
quo nature and stresses the immediate value of revolvers, the human capital perspective is
more nuanced. It argues that organized interests that hire from the public sector do not
buy networks in exchange for access but seek staff to strengthen their political capabili-
ties. Namely, by hiring former public officials, organizations acquire skills, resources
and competencies, which are valuable assets to influence public policy. These skills in-
clude political intelligence and knowledge about the internal dynamics of public institu-
tions, which makes groups more capable to strategize on the best way to reach common
objectives with policy-makers and to perform a role as legislative allies (Hall and
Deardorff, 2006).
Although both approaches are not mutually exclusive, our account fits more into the
human capital perspective. We argue that the nexus between access and the revolving
door should be analysed within a broader perspective that accounts for how organized in-
terests professionalize, structure their advocacy efforts and manage their connections with
the constituency they aim to represent. By delving into these connections, we demonstrate
that hiring revolvers correlates with an increased political capacity and, consequently, af-
fects the propensity to gain access. More specifically, we ask the following question: To
what extent and under which conditions do revolving door practices facilitate access to
the European Commission? Theoretically, we draw from organizational studies and, more
specifically, use the concept of organizational social capital,defined as a resource
reflecting the type of social relations an organization seeks to build and maintain (Leana
and Van Buren, 1999). Based on this perspective, hiring from the public sector and pro-
fessionalization are mechanisms through which organizations seek to improve their social
capital. One typical challenge for the social capital view is that organized interests play in
multiple arenas. On the one hand, they seek to build and maintain relations with their con-
stituency, members and supporters (the logic of membership). On the other hand, they
seek to interact with policy-makers and influence public policy (the logic of influence)
(Schmitter and Streeck, 1999 [1982]). There might be tension between both objectives.
For instance, groups with access are tempted to seek political compromises to maintain
their insider status. The resulting moderation may conflict with some outspoken or radical
views that might prevail amongst key parts of the group membership. Given that we an-
alyse organized interests, we need to consider how hiring from the public sector varies
across organizations and how this fits with the logic of membership (membership involve-
ment) or the logic of influence (seeking and gaining access to policy-makers). To put it
differently, we expect that the revolving door affects access butthat this relationship is
conditional on which logic prevails in interest organizations.
Our overarching hypothesis is that revolving door practices affect the propensity to
gain access to the European Commission (EC hereafter). This hypothesis is analysed by
combining two data sources: (1) a dataset with publicly available records about the meet-
ings between interest organizations and senior EC officials and (2) evidence collected
through the Comparative Interest Group-survey (CIG-survey hereafter). Our results con-
firm that hiring from the public sector has a significant positive relationship with access
and that the extent to which groups are professionalized moderates how the revolving
door shapes access; namely, the impact of the revolving door is especially pronounced
amongst highly professionalized groups. However, our results also show that groups with
strongly involved members do not profit from the revolving door. Overall, our results
The revolving door and access to the European Commission187
© 2023 University Association for Contemporary European Studies and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
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