Acta literal de los debates de 9 de junio de 2015

• Jurisdiction: European Union
• Published date: 15 March 2023
• Celex Number: C2023/097/02

15.3.2023 ES Diario Oficial de la Unión Europea C 97/71

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de 9 de junio de 2015
ACTA LITERAL DE LOS DEBATES DE 9 DE JUNIO DE 2015

(2023/C 97/02)

Sumario

1. Apertura de la sesión 73

2. Debates sobre casos de violaciones de los derechos humanos, de la democracia y del Estado de Derecho (anuncio de las propuestas de resolución presentadas): véase el Acta 73

3. Estado de las relaciones UE-Rusia (debate) 73

4. Turno de votaciones 104

4.1. Porcentaje de ajuste de los pagos directos para 2015 (A8-0174/2015 - Czesław Adam Siekierski) (votación) 104

4.2. Estrategia de la UE para la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres después de 2015 (A8-0163/2015 - Maria Noichl) (votación) 104

4.3. Derechos de propiedad intelectual en los terceros países (A8-0161/2015 - Alessia Maria Mosca) (votación) 104

4.4. Derechos de propiedad intelectual: Un plan de acción de la UE (A8-0169/2015 - Pavel Svoboda) (votación) 104

5. Sesión solemne - Mongolia 104

6. Explicaciones de voto 109

6.1. Porcentaje de ajuste de los pagos directos para 2015 (A8-0174/2015 - Czesław Adam Siekierski) 109

6.2. Estrategia de la UE para la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres después de 2015 (A8-0163/2015 - Maria Noichl) 133

6.3. Derechos de propiedad intelectual en los terceros países (A8-0161/2015 - Alessia Maria Mosca) 183

6.4. Derechos de propiedad intelectual: Un plan de acción de la UE (A8-0169/2015 - Pavel Svoboda) 214

7. Correcciones e intenciones de voto: véase el Acta 247

8. Aprobación del Acta de la sesión anterior: véase el Acta 248

9. Celebración de la enmienda de Doha al Protocolo de Kioto - Acuerdo UE-Islandia sobre la participación de Islandia en el segundo periodo de compromiso del Protocolo de Kioto (debate) 248

10. Estrategia Europea de Seguridad Energética (debate) 264

11. Corrección de errores (artículo 231 del Reglamento): véase el Acta 298

12. Paquete de propuestas sobre fronteras inteligentes (debate) 298

13. Informe anual 2014 del Comité de Vigilancia de la OLAF (debate) 312

14. Orden del día de la próxima sesión : véase el Acta 323

15. Cierre de la sesión 323

Acta literal de los debates de 9 de junio de 2015

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND

Vizepräsident

1. Apertura de la sesión

(Die Sitzung wird um 9.00 Uhr eröffnet.)

2. Debates sobre casos de violaciones de los derechos humanos, de la democracia y del Estado de Derecho (anuncio de las propuestas de resolución presentadas): véase el Acta

3. Estado de las relaciones UE-Rusia (debate)

Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über den Bericht von Gabrielius Landsbergis im Namen des Ausschusses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten über den Stand der Beziehungen EU-Russland (2015/2001(INI)) (A8-0162/2015).

Gabrielius Landsbergis, rapporteur . – Mr President, first of all let me thank all the shadow rapporteurs – Ms Jaakonsaari, Mr van Baalen, Ms Fotyga, Mr Meszerics and Mr Šoltes – for all their work, and for the proposals that were made and amendments that were tabled during the process of preparing this report. I would also like to thank all those colleagues – MEPs and Parliament staff – for their very valuable input into this very sensitive and important matter that we are here to discuss: EU-Russia relations.

I would like to note that while preparing the report I was planning on going and taking the opportunity to hear what the officials in Moscow had to say. Unfortunately, my fact-finding mission did not take place, since my delegation was not let into Russia. We can only regret that now, 19 of our colleagues find themselves on the illegal Russian visa ban list. This is not only disrespect to the European Parliament but an insult to the EU as a whole, which bases international cooperation on transparent and peaceful dialogue.

When preparing for this speech I looked for inspiration from Churchill's Fulton speech. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom saw the dramatic geopolitical changes that were arriving in his wake when he said these words: «If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles [of the United Nations Charter, their influence] will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away, then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all».

When everyone in Europe was tired after the war, it took great courage to name the situation, as it was – if not acted upon – possibly as dangerous as the situation created by the Nazis. There are countries and people who would say the same thing about today's situation. Europe's post-war peace order is challenged by the occupation of Crimea and continuing Russian military aggression in Ukraine. There should be no fear in naming it that way. But the European continent had not only the Cold War: it also had the fall of the Berlin Wall and the Singing Revolution, which was one of the reasons that made my speech here today possible. It all happened in a semi-peaceful way. It seemed that history has indeed come to an end: democracy and the rule of law are prevailing over aggression and unlawfulness and war. Further EU enlargement is an excellent example of peaceful European order.

So one could say that there is a solution, there is a possibility of building a peaceful cohabitation with all the countries on the continent. But at this moment it is not Europe which will decide it.

The European Union adheres to the very clear principles of the rule of law, transparency and self-determination, therefore numerous different formats and initiatives were offered to Russia in order to usher the Russian people to the path of democracy and reform. The European Union was even generous in offering strategic partnership or «common spaces» initiatives, but the respect of human rights and democratic principles kept on deteriorating in Russia. Europe even turned a blind eye when people in the Kremlin were breaking the established order of international treaties. Europe did not do much when the Russian troops entered Georgia's territory and remained silent during the establishment of the Gazprom monopoly in certain countries and during trade wars when Russia would close down its borders under political pretexts.

But Europe is not there any longer. After the illegal annexation of Crimea, after the MH17 plane was shot down from the sky, Europe took Churchill's advice and spoke out, and it will speak again, I am sure. There will be more and tougher sanctions if the international obligations set out in two Minsk agreements are not respected and if more people die because the guns keep flowing through the unprotected border.

Europe will speak out when the rules of the internal market are challenged by uncompromising monopoly companies which long thought that corrupt deals would keep them above the law. Europe will say a word or two when the political parties that disagree with the very principles of European Union, like democracy, receive funding from financial institutions linked to the people running the Kremlin.

(The President cut off the speaker)

Věra Jourová, Member of the Commission . – Mr President, the quality and depth of EU-Russia relations is a determining factor for the stability and prosperity of our continent. Our partnership was severely impacted last year by the illegal annexation of Crimea and the destabilisation of Donbas. But Russia is also an important economic counterpart and an essential partner for the solution of many pressing international problems. This is the backdrop of the report you are debating today. I appreciate your efforts, in particular those of Mr Landsbergis, which have made this report a very important contribution to the debate on how best to shape relations with Russia. Let me take up the key political messages in your report.

First comes the issue of unity. I fully share your conviction that our Russia policy is strong and successful only if it enjoys the unanimous support of all 28 EU Member States. The EU must continue acting on the basis of a broad and principled consensus on the Ukraine conflict and on its relations with Russia. This does not mean reducing our policy to the lowest common denominator. Quite the contrary – it means pursuing a comprehensive approach, responding to immediate concerns but with strategic patience and vision.

The work of this House is an example of EU unity. I understand that the draft report has been adopted by an overwhelming majority in the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET). I hope that the plenary vote will also reflect this, in order to send a clear political message about the views of European citizens.

Second, there is the issue of balance. Your report contains strong criticism of Moscow's actions such as the illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol, its destabilising policy in Donbas, the multiplication of hybrid threats throughout Europe and the shrinking space for Russian civil society and media. At the same time, you are equally strong in stating the EU's readiness to develop a constructive, predictable and mutually-beneficial relationship with Russia.

Balance is at the core of our approach to the Ukraine conflict. On the one hand, we have been firm and decided to adopt sanctions. On the other hand, EU Member States and EU institutions are engaged in the search for...