Immigration and its Imperatives

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0386.2009.00485.x
Published date01 November 2009
AuthorJoyce Chia
Date01 November 2009
eulj_485683..699
Immigration and its Imperatives
Joyce Chia*
Abstract: Conf‌lict and compromise have marked domestic immigration and asylum law in
many countries. In examining whether these patterns will be replicated at the level of the
EU, this article proposes an alternative method for analysing immigration law and its
politics, framing them within the complex interaction of the interpretations by key actors
of the imperatives of the State, the EU, and the legal sphere. An account of the functional,
normative and polity legitimating imperatives, their specif‌ic manifestations in different
spheres, and their interaction in the f‌ield of immigration and asylum is sketched. This
politically-grounded analysis explains more clearly the structure of conf‌lict and compro-
mise that characterises this sphere, illuminates the judicial strategies in this f‌ield and
enables us to speculate upon the probable future of EU immigration and asylum law.
I Introduction
The role of the EU in regulating the movement of peoples has enlarged over time, and
now encompasses three separate regimes. First, the EU has, since its foundation,
regulated the movement of European workers (and later European citizens) within its
borders, based on a principle of equality. Second, the project of a common market led
to most European countries abolishing internal borders and constructing a new exter-
nal border, originally through an intergovernmental process but later incorporated into
the EU legal framework. Third, and most importantly for the purposes of this article,
the EU is in the process of creating its own immigration and asylum legal regime, a
process that began with the Maastricht Treaty but which has accelerated considerably
since the adoption of the Amsterdam Treaty.
This latest development has been, in part, fostered by the conf‌licts over immigration
decisions that have become a common motif in domestic legal systems around the
world. In the common law world alone, we have witnessed increasing restrictions on
rights of appeal and judicial review; a plethora of legislative amendments; substantial
cuts in funding; a war of words between the executive and the judiciary; and endless
critical reports from within and without government. As we enter the brave new world
of European immigration and asylum policy, one question looms large: will these
patterns of conf‌lict be replicated at the level of the EU?
This article explores that question using a novel framework that brings together the
political forces and the legal structures that together shape immigration policy and law.
Too often, legal scholars examine legal doctrine in isolation from the political forces
that shape it. Too often, scholars simply lament the EU’s non-compliance with legal
* PhD (Laws), University College London.
European Law Journal, Vol. 15, No. 6, November 2009, pp. 683–699.
© 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ, UK
and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA
norms, without engaging with political reality. Alternatively, scholars are too ready to
explain everything as a matter of politics, without recognising the role played by law.
This article seeks to remedy these partial perspectives by adopting a broader socio-
legal perspective that integrates the political with the legal; that engages with the
specif‌ic nature of the f‌ield of immigration and the role of its actors; and by explaining
the evolution of immigration law and policy as the outcome of both structure and
agency. In doing so, the aim is to capture more accurately the processes of immigration
law-making and in particular the adjudication of immigration-related decisions. This,
in turn, enables us to understand more clearly the development of EU immigration and
asylum law and to guess what is coming next.
I begin by explaining how a framework of imperatives explains the prominence of
conf‌lict in the politics and the law of immigration at a domestic level. As I then explain,
States and civil society have sought to escape these tensions by engaging in other
political venues, most notably the EU. For the EU, competence over immigration and
asylum has a seductive appeal. However, I argue that the politics of immigration
translated into the EU context does not remove those tensions, but rather magnif‌ies
them. Finally, I analyse three recent decisions of the European Court of Justice (ECJ)
in terms of these imperatives and use this analysis to speculate upon the probable future
of EU immigration and asylum law.
II The Framework of Imperatives
A Modelling Imperatives
My analysis is adapted from, and elaborates upon, Boswell’s framework of impera-
tives.1In her analysis, immigration policies (and their failures) can be fruitfully under-
stood in relation to what Boswell calls the imperatives of the State—namely what States
need to do in order to be considered legitimate by those within the State. Boswell
identif‌ies four such functions. First, they should provide international and internal
security for their subjects (the security function). Second, they should provide the
conditions for the accumulation of wealth (the accumulation function). Third, they
should act to promote fairness, broadly in the sense of redistributive justice but also
incorporating a latent ethic of universalist rights (the fairness function). Finally, they
should comply with certain formal conditions for the preservation of liberty and
democracy (institutional legitimacy). It is the tensions between and within these func-
tions that structure immigration policies. In Boswell’s view, States attempt to manage
these tensions by ‘fudging’ or compromising between these imperatives, or by ‘trump-
ing’ other imperatives by strongly asserting the primacy of another imperative.
This has powerful explanatory potential for the politics of immigration. Thus, for
example, the diff‌icult problem of returning suspected terrorists to a real risk of torture
exposes a tension between the function of States in providing security and the function
of States in providing fairness. The famous case of Chahal,2which prevents States from
returning such people, is an example of the ‘trumping’ of the security function in favour
of the fairness function.
1C. Boswell, ‘Theorizing Migration Policy: Is There a Third Way?’, (2007) 41 International Migration
Review 75, 90–91.
2Chahal v United Kingdom, judgment of 15 November 1996, Reports of Judgments and Decisions 1996-V.
European Law Journal Volume 15
684 © 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

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